The Japanese occupation disrupted traditional social hierarchies in several ways. The Japanese dismantled the existing European colonial administrative structures, which often resulted in the loss of status and power for those who had been closely aligned with colonial regimes. This created opportunities for other groups and individuals to ascend in prominence, particularly those who were willing to collaborate with the Japanese or had nationalist credentials. Furthermore, the occupation's hardships, such as forced labour and scarcity of resources, caused widespread suffering that crossed social lines, undermining the legitimacy of the traditional elite. In the wake of the occupation, nationalist leaders often emerged from lower or middle-class backgrounds, reflecting the social upheaval that had occurred.

The Japanese economic policies in South-East Asia, characterized by heavy exploitation of resources and forced labour, led to significant economic turmoil and hardship for the local populations. This experience influenced post-war nationalist economic agendas by highlighting the need for economic self-sufficiency and diversification. In Indonesia, for instance, nationalists sought to reorient the economy away from its previous colonial structure, which was heavily reliant on exports, towards a more balanced economy that served the needs of the Indonesian people. Similarly, in Vietnam and Malaya, post-war nationalist leaders aimed to reconstruct and develop their economies to ensure that they benefitted the local populace rather than foreign powers.

The nationalist movements in South-East Asia during WWII, and the associated warfare and Japanese occupation policies, had several environmental impacts. The war disrupted traditional agricultural practices due to forced labour and requisitioning of resources by the Japanese army, leading to food shortages and famine. In Vietnam, for instance, the Great Famine of 1944-45 was partly a result of these disruptions. Moreover, the conflict led to significant deforestation as forests were cleared for military operations or to counter guerrilla activities. The environmental degradation continued after the war as new national governments prioritised economic recovery and development, often at the expense of environmental conservation.

Women's involvement in the nationalist movements during the Japanese occupation of South-East Asia was significant, though often underreported. In Vietnam, women played active roles in the Viet Minh as guerrilla fighters, intelligence agents, and organisers of supply chains. Indonesian women, under the banner of organisations like Gerwani, rallied for both nationalist and feminist causes, providing social services and even participating in armed resistance. In Malaya, women joined the anti-Japanese resistance, with some becoming members of the Malayan Peoples' Anti-Japanese Army. Their participation challenged traditional gender roles and contributed to the broader social changes that accompanied the struggle for independence.

During the Japanese occupation, the response of different ethnic groups within the Dutch East Indies to Japanese occupation and Indonesian nationalism was varied. Javanese, as the majority group, had significant representation in the nationalist movements with leaders like Sukarno emerging from their ranks. However, the outer islands experienced a more complex dynamic. Some, such as the Acehnese and Balinese, engaged in fierce resistance against the Japanese. Meanwhile, the occupation disrupted the Dutch's 'divide and rule' strategy, which had previously pitted ethnic groups against each other, leading to a more united front against the common enemy and a gradual alignment with the idea of a singular Indonesian nationalism post-occupation.