Industrialisation and foreign ambitions profoundly shaped Italy’s social unrest and political opposition, setting the stage for conflict and shifting alliances by 1915.
Industrialisation and Urban Unrest
Expansion and Uneven Development
Italy’s late and uneven industrialisation transformed its economic landscape in the early twentieth century. Industrial growth was heavily concentrated in the North, particularly in cities like Turin, Milan, and Genoa.
Heavy industry, such as steel production and shipbuilding, expanded rapidly.
The North-South divide deepened, with the agrarian South remaining economically backward and largely unaffected by industrial modernisation.
Rural workers migrated to urban centres in search of employment, swelling city populations.
Working-Class Discontent
The rapid pace of industrialisation outstripped improvements in working and living conditions, fostering urban unrest.
Factory workers faced long hours, low pay, and unsafe conditions.
Poor housing and overcrowding in cities aggravated health problems and crime rates.
Trade unions gained momentum, organising strikes to demand higher wages and better conditions.
Labour Strikes and Social Tension
By the early 1900s, strikes became increasingly common. Notable were the 1904 general strike and further industrial actions leading up to the First World War.
The strikes were often met with police repression and government intervention.
Employers formed associations to resist union demands, deepening class tensions.
These conflicts highlighted the Liberal State’s inability to balance the interests of industrialists and the working class, eroding trust in traditional politics.
Rise of Socialism and New Political Movements
Birth and Growth of the PSI
One of the most significant political consequences of industrialisation was the rise of the Italian Socialist Party (Partito Socialista Italiano, PSI).
Founded in 1892, the PSI capitalised on urban workers’ grievances and rural peasant discontent.
It promoted Marxist ideology, advocating for workers’ rights, land reform, and social equality.
By the early 20th century, the PSI had gained substantial electoral support, particularly in industrial northern cities and some rural areas.
Factionalism Within the PSI
Despite its growth, the PSI was not monolithic.
The reformists wanted to achieve socialism gradually through parliamentary means and compromise.
The maximalists and revolutionary factions pushed for direct action and class struggle.
This internal division limited the party’s ability to present a united challenge to the Liberal State.
Other Emerging Movements
Besides the PSI, other movements also challenged the existing order:
Anarchists and syndicalists advocated for direct industrial action, strikes, and sabotage to overthrow capitalism.
Catholic social movements began organising politically, though their full impact emerged later.
Nationalists, meanwhile, denounced the weakness of the Liberal regime and pushed for an assertive foreign policy to foster national pride and unity.
Foreign Policy: Ambitions and Setbacks
Italy in the Triple Alliance
Italy joined the Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary in 1882, driven by security concerns and the desire for great power status.
The alliance promised mutual defence, particularly relevant due to tensions with France.
However, the alliance was uneasy; Italy’s historical rivalry with Austria-Hungary over unredeemed territories (Trentino and Trieste) created distrust.
Humiliation at Adowa
Italy’s imperial ambitions suffered an early blow in 1896 with the catastrophic defeat at the Battle of Adowa in Ethiopia.
Italy sought to establish an African empire, challenging Abyssinian sovereignty.
Poor planning and underestimation of the Abyssinian army led to a decisive loss.
The defeat humiliated the government and sparked public outrage, highlighting the weakness of Italy’s military and political leadership.
Renewed Imperial Aspirations: Libya and Abyssinia
Despite Adowa, Italian nationalists and expansionists continued to demand overseas colonies to compete with Britain and France.
Libya (Tripolitania and Cyrenaica) became the next target; in 1911–12, Italy fought the Ottoman Empire to annex these territories.
The war was costly and highlighted military shortcomings, but it satisfied nationalist sentiment for a time.
Abyssinia remained a long-term goal; although Italy failed in the late 19th century, ambitions would resurface under Fascist rule decades later.
The Link to Domestic Politics
Foreign policy was closely tied to domestic politics:
Victories abroad were intended to distract from internal discontent and unite Italians behind nationalistic goals.
However, limited gains and costly campaigns often had the opposite effect, fuelling criticism of the government’s competence.
Italy’s Entry into the First World War
Divided Opinion on War
When war broke out in Europe in 1914, Italy declared neutrality despite its membership in the Triple Alliance.
The Triple Alliance was defensive; since Austria-Hungary was seen as the aggressor against Serbia, Italy was not obliged to join.
Many Italians, especially socialists and Catholics, opposed the war, arguing it would benefit elites and bring hardship to workers and peasants.
Interventionist vs. Neutralist Camps
Italy was deeply split between interventionists and neutralists:
Neutralists included the majority of the PSI, pacifists, and the rural population who feared war burdens.
Interventionists encompassed nationalists, liberals wanting to bolster Italy’s prestige, and some radical intellectuals who saw war as a chance for national regeneration.
Prominent figures like Gabriele d’Annunzio, a nationalist poet, campaigned fiercely for war, using emotional rhetoric about Italy’s destiny.
Treaty of London and Secret Diplomacy
After secret negotiations with both the Triple Alliance and the Entente Powers, Italy signed the Treaty of London (April 1915) with Britain, France, and Russia.
Italy agreed to join the war on the side of the Entente in return for territorial promises, including Trentino, South Tyrol, Istria, and parts of Dalmatia.
This treaty was made without parliamentary approval, causing a scandal and further undermining faith in the Liberal political process.
Political Ramifications of War Entry
Italy’s entry into the First World War in May 1915 reshaped its political landscape:
The war effort required mass mobilisation, deepened social strains, and shifted resources from domestic reform.
The decision intensified polarisation between those who felt betrayed by secret diplomacy and those who believed war was a path to national fulfilment.
The strains of war would expose the fragility of the Liberal State, setting the stage for post-war unrest and the rise of radical movements.
FAQ
Italy’s industrialisation greatly widened the socio-economic gap between urban and rural communities. Industrial development focused heavily on the North, with cities like Turin and Milan booming due to new factories, transport links, and investment. This attracted large numbers of rural migrants seeking better wages, which caused urban overcrowding, strained public services, and increased competition for jobs, often leading to tensions between established city dwellers and newcomers. In contrast, the rural South remained largely agricultural, underdeveloped, and poverty-stricken, suffering from backward farming methods and landowner domination. Many southern peasants felt abandoned by a government that prioritised northern industry over land reform and rural investment. This deepened the North-South divide, breeding resentment and fuelling mistrust of the Liberal State, which struggled to balance the needs of both regions. The uneven pace of modernisation thus created two distinct Italies: an industrial, urban North and a rural, traditional South, fostering social fragmentation and weakening national cohesion.
The press and Italy’s vibrant community of intellectuals played a crucial role in challenging the Liberal State and influencing public opinion on foreign policy. Socialist newspapers, such as Avanti!, edited by prominent socialist Benito Mussolini before he founded Fascism, spread Marxist ideas, criticised industrialists, and exposed poor working conditions, galvanising working-class support for the PSI. Nationalist journals like L’Idea Nazionale propagated expansionist ambitions and called for Italy to assert itself as a great power, fuelling public enthusiasm for colonial ventures and eventual intervention in the First World War. Intellectuals, including writers and poets like Gabriele d’Annunzio, used passionate speeches and articles to stir nationalist sentiment and demand stronger action abroad. Critically, the spread of literacy and cheap newspapers made political debate accessible to a growing urban audience. This vibrant press landscape allowed opposition groups to shape discourse, recruit supporters, and polarise society by highlighting the perceived weaknesses and failures of government foreign policy and domestic reforms.
Industrial employers reacted strongly to the rise of socialism and increased worker militancy during Italy’s rapid industrialisation. Many factory owners and industrialists viewed the PSI and organised trade unions as direct threats to profits and social stability. To counteract strikes and union demands, employers formed powerful associations like the Confindustria, founded in 1910, to coordinate responses, pool resources, and exert political pressure on the government for favourable legislation. Employers often resisted wage increases and improvements in conditions, relying instead on hiring strike-breakers and using private security or the state police to suppress industrial action. They also fostered patronage networks and welfare schemes to cultivate loyalty among certain segments of the workforce, weakening socialist influence. Additionally, employers supported conservative and nationalist movements that opposed socialism, laying groundwork for later alliances with Fascism. This adversarial approach hardened class divisions and heightened the atmosphere of confrontation between capital and labour, demonstrating the entrenched resistance to socialist reform among Italy’s industrial elite.
Italy’s membership in the Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary significantly influenced its diplomatic manoeuvring and foreign policy dilemmas before 1915. On paper, the alliance provided a security guarantee against France, with whom Italy had colonial and border disputes, and aligned Italy with two major continental powers. However, deep distrust persisted due to Italy’s territorial grievances against Austria-Hungary, which still controlled Italian-speaking regions like Trentino and Trieste, known collectively as Italia Irredenta. This made genuine military cooperation awkward and limited the alliance’s credibility in the eyes of Italian nationalists. Meanwhile, Italy maintained secret negotiations and economic ties with Britain and France to hedge its bets, seeking to maximise diplomatic leverage. This double-dealing approach allowed Italy to extract concessions and keep its options open. Ultimately, the Triple Alliance failed to bind Italy completely; when the First World War erupted, Italy argued that Austria’s aggression justified neutrality and later switched sides in 1915 after negotiating better terms with the Entente Powers.
Support for intervention in the First World War emerged from a diverse coalition of nationalists, liberals, and radical intellectuals who believed that war offered Italy a historic opportunity to achieve long-desired territorial expansion and national rejuvenation. Nationalists argued that aligning with the Entente Powers would enable Italy to reclaim territories like Trentino, Trieste, and parts of Dalmatia, fulfilling the dream of a truly united Italy free of foreign rule. They saw war as a way to prove Italy’s strength and escape the stigma of military defeats like Adowa. Influential voices, such as poet Gabriele d’Annunzio and journalist Benito Mussolini (before he split from socialism), delivered fervent speeches and writings urging patriotic sacrifice for national glory. Some liberal politicians believed war would unite the fractured nation and suppress class conflict by fostering a common purpose. Business interests also anticipated lucrative war contracts and economic expansion. Thus, despite strong socialist and rural opposition, these pro-war advocates succeeded in steering Italy into the conflict in 1915 through energetic propaganda and behind-the-scenes diplomacy.
Practice Questions
Explain how industrialisation contributed to the growth of political opposition in Italy before 1915.
Industrialisation in Italy, especially in the North, led to rapid urbanisation and the emergence of a new industrial working class facing poor wages and harsh conditions. This discontent fuelled the rise of trade unions and strikes, undermining confidence in the Liberal State’s ability to manage social tensions. The Socialist Party (PSI) gained significant support by advocating workers’ rights and social reforms. Additionally, industrial growth deepened the North-South divide, furthering resentment. Overall, industrialisation created the social and economic grievances that enabled opposition movements to flourish and challenge the status quo before the First World War.
Analyse why foreign policy ambitions caused divisions in Italian politics before and during the First World War.
Italy’s foreign policy ambitions, such as colonial expansion and joining the Triple Alliance, were driven by nationalists seeking prestige but often ended in humiliation, like the defeat at Adowa. These failures fostered scepticism among socialists and liberals about imperial adventures. When the First World War began, Italy’s secret negotiations and entry into the war through the Treaty of London deepened political splits. Interventionists wanted national gains; neutralists, including socialists, opposed sacrificing lives for elite interests. These divisions exposed weaknesses in the Liberal regime, intensified political polarisation, and undermined national unity, paving the way for later extremism.
