This period marked relative political stabilisation in the Weimar Republic, alongside significant diplomatic achievements under Stresemann’s leadership.
President Hindenburg and Political Recovery
Following Friedrich Ebert’s death in 1925, Paul von Hindenburg, a revered former World War I Field Marshal, was elected President. His election signalled an attempt to bridge the gap between conservative nationalist elements and the republican government.
Symbol of Stability: Hindenburg was widely respected among conservative and monarchist circles who distrusted the Republic. His presidency reassured the traditional elite and army leadership that the Republic could safeguard German interests.
Reluctant Republican: Despite personally favouring the old imperial system, Hindenburg worked within the constitutional framework, respecting democratic norms for most of this period.
Presidential Authority: Hindenburg’s prestige helped stabilise politics, yet his potential to use Article 48 (emergency powers) foreshadowed the vulnerabilities that would later undermine democracy.
Overall, Hindenburg’s presidency lent the Republic a veneer of legitimacy in conservative eyes while keeping the door open for future authoritarian interventions.
Stability of Parliamentary Democracy
Party Politics and Elections
Between 1924 and 1928, parliamentary politics became less turbulent compared to the early years of the Republic.
Decline in Extremist Votes: Support for radical parties diminished in favour of moderate and centrist parties. Voters increasingly backed the Social Democrats (SPD), the Centre Party, and other moderate liberal groups.
Grand Coalition Governments: The political scene saw the formation of broad coalitions combining parties with differing priorities. Chancellor Wilhelm Marx and later Hermann Müller attempted to balance these coalitions to maintain parliamentary majority.
Elections: The Reichstag elections in 1924 and 1928 showed growing trust in democratic parties. By 1928, the SPD regained its position as the largest party, indicating public confidence in parliamentary governance.
Elite Support
Industrial and Economic Elites: Many industrialists and big business leaders, who had previously favoured authoritarianism, began to accept and support the Republic during this phase of economic recovery.
Army and Civil Service: Although conservative at heart, key figures within the military and bureaucracy cooperated more willingly with the government as political violence and insurrections subsided.
Limits to Loyalty: Despite apparent stability, elite backing was pragmatic rather than ideological. Many elites remained sceptical of democracy, ready to revert to more autocratic governance if circumstances changed.
Position and Strength of Extremist Parties
While the mid-1920s saw a decline in extremism, radical parties did not disappear entirely.
Nazi Party (NSDAP)
Limited Influence: After the failed Munich Putsch in 1923 and Hitler’s imprisonment, the Nazi Party was banned temporarily and reorganised under Hitler’s leadership. In the 1928 Reichstag election, it secured only 2.6% of the vote.
Rebuilding Strategy: Hitler focused on restructuring the party as a national political movement with improved propaganda and local organisation, setting the stage for future growth.
Communist Party (KPD)
Consistent Minority: The KPD remained the largest left-wing extremist party but failed to expand its support significantly beyond its working-class base. Its confrontational tactics and alignment with Soviet policies alienated moderate workers.
Electoral Performance: The Communists maintained around 9% of the vote during this period, highlighting persistent but contained radical left-wing sentiment.
Other Extremist Groups
Right-wing paramilitary groups and splinter nationalist factions also persisted but lacked the coherence or public appeal to pose an immediate threat. Overall, extremist threats were more dormant than defeated.
Stresemann’s Foreign Policy Achievements
Gustav Stresemann, Foreign Minister from 1923 until his death in 1929, was pivotal in reintegrating Germany into the international community and revising the harshest aspects of the Versailles Treaty.
Locarno Pact (1925)
Key Terms: Germany, France, Belgium, Britain, and Italy agreed to respect existing borders in Western Europe. Germany accepted the western border but left its eastern borders open to future negotiation.
Diplomatic Breakthrough: The pact symbolised reconciliation between Germany and former enemies, earning Stresemann and his counterparts the Nobel Peace Prize.
Impact: It improved Franco-German relations and reduced the likelihood of conflict in the Rhineland.
League of Nations Membership (1926)
Entry: Germany was admitted as a permanent member of the League of Nations in September 1926.
Significance: This marked Germany’s return to the international diplomatic fold, giving it a platform to advocate for peaceful revisions to the Versailles Treaty.
Prestige: Membership boosted German prestige and signalled acceptance as a responsible international actor.
Treaty of Berlin with USSR (1926)
Background: Continuing the spirit of the earlier Rapallo Treaty (1922), the Treaty of Berlin reaffirmed German-Soviet friendship and neutrality.
Key Clauses: Both nations pledged neutrality if the other were attacked by a third power for five years.
Strategic Value: Stresemann balanced Western rapprochement with a pragmatic eastern policy, ensuring Germany retained leverage with the Soviet Union.
Young Plan (1929)
Although Stresemann died in 1929, negotiations for the Young Plan were well underway under his stewardship.
Purpose: To restructure and reduce reparation payments and end the Allied supervision associated with the Dawes Plan.
Key Points: It extended the payment period and eased the burden, fostering economic confidence.
Controversy: While moderate Germans supported the plan, nationalists decried any reparations as an insult to national honour.
End of Allied Occupation and Moves Toward Disarmament
Rhineland Occupation
Background: Under the Treaty of Versailles, Allied forces occupied the Rhineland to guarantee reparations and security for France.
Withdrawal: Due to improving diplomatic relations and Stresemann’s efforts, the Allies agreed to an early evacuation of the Rhineland by 1930, five years ahead of the original schedule.
Domestic Reaction: The withdrawal was celebrated as a triumph for German diplomacy and national pride, reinforcing support for Stresemann’s moderate foreign policy.
Disarmament Efforts
Treaty Obligations: Germany was obligated to maintain a strictly limited army and no air force or heavy weapons.
Negotiations: Stresemann worked to ease these restrictions through diplomatic channels but faced resistance, particularly from France.
Limited Success: While substantial disarmament concessions were not achieved, Germany’s constructive participation in international disarmament talks enhanced its international standing.
The period 1924–1928 is often regarded as the ‘Golden Years’ of the Weimar Republic. It saw:
Relative domestic stability, supported by Hindenburg’s presidency and more effective coalition governments.
Diminished influence of extremist parties, though they remained dormant threats.
Major diplomatic successes, transforming Germany’s position from pariah to respected European power under Stresemann.
These achievements, however, rested on fragile foundations, including heavy dependence on foreign loans and the goodwill of both domestic and international elites—conditions that would prove vulnerable with the onset of the Great Depression.
FAQ
Many conservatives and monarchists viewed the Weimar Republic as an unwelcome product of Germany’s WWI defeat and revolution. They longed for the restoration of the Kaiser or at least a strong, authoritative government. However, when Paul von Hindenburg, the celebrated World War I field marshal, agreed to stand for President in 1925, it offered them a familiar, reassuring figure within the Republican system. Hindenburg embodied Prussian military values and old imperial loyalty, symbolising continuity with the former German Empire. His personal prestige convinced many on the right that he could act as a safeguard against radical leftist threats and moral decline associated with democratic politics. Furthermore, his advanced age and reputation as a national hero gave him an aura of neutrality and honour, allowing conservative elites to trust that while he upheld the Republic publicly, he would not oppose a potential return to more traditional or authoritarian rule should conditions allow.
Between 1924 and 1928, moderate parties such as the Social Democrats (SPD), the Centre Party, and liberal groups adjusted their strategies to foster more durable coalition governments and reassure both voters and elites. They worked to minimise ideological conflicts by prioritising economic stabilisation, social welfare improvements, and foreign policy moderation. Pragmatism over rigid party platforms became more common; parties were willing to compromise on policies to avoid governmental collapse, which had plagued earlier years. Leaders like Wilhelm Marx and Hermann Müller championed consensus politics, focusing on gradual reform rather than radical change. Parliamentary debates became less combative, and backroom negotiations more frequent, reflecting a desire for continuity over chaos. Additionally, moderate parties strengthened connections with key economic interests and civil servants to gain elite support. By promoting a narrative of stability, prosperity, and international respectability, they gradually rebuilt trust among a weary electorate, contributing significantly to the sense of political calm that defined these ‘Golden Years’.
German media and public opinion were influential in shaping and reflecting national attitudes towards Stresemann’s cautious and pragmatic foreign policy. Newspapers and political commentators often praised Stresemann’s diplomatic finesse, portraying him as a skilled statesman reclaiming Germany’s dignity without risking conflict. Many citizens welcomed his success in revising Versailles terms, securing the Locarno Pact, and rejoining the League of Nations, seeing these as steps toward restoring Germany’s rightful place in Europe. However, nationalist newspapers and right-wing critics were deeply sceptical, labelling his concessions as signs of weakness and betrayal of Germany’s honour. They argued that agreeing to the Locarno borders and continuing to pay reparations, even under more favourable terms, humiliated the nation. Despite this vocal opposition, Stresemann’s consistent messaging and tangible successes, like the early end to Rhineland occupation, kept the broader public largely supportive. Overall, media coverage both shaped patriotic enthusiasm for peaceful revision and fuelled polarised debates that hinted at underlying nationalist resentment.
International reactions to Germany’s diplomatic reintegration were generally positive and had significant ripple effects on domestic politics. Western European powers, notably Britain and France, began to trust Germany’s commitment to peace and stability, which in turn reassured German moderates and industrialists that cooperative policies were paying dividends. This newfound respectability encouraged foreign investment and loans, most importantly from the United States, which underpinned Germany’s economic recovery. Domestically, improved relations boosted the credibility of democratic politicians, who argued that negotiation and compliance could achieve more than confrontation. Conservatives and business elites, reassured by growing prosperity and fewer foreign threats, became more inclined to back coalition governments rather than support reactionary coups or paramilitary alternatives. However, nationalist and far-right groups interpreted foreign friendliness as proof that Germany was compromising too much, feeding their propaganda. Overall, positive international attitudes reinforced the Republic’s moderate centre and weakened extremist appeal temporarily, though seeds of discontent lingered beneath the surface.
Despite his diplomatic acclaim abroad, Stresemann faced persistent political challenges within the Reichstag and even among members of his own German People’s Party (DVP). Many in the DVP were traditional nationalists who felt his pragmatic approach betrayed Germany’s sovereign interests by not demanding immediate abolition of reparations or revision of eastern borders. Some party colleagues saw his willingness to compromise with Western powers as ideologically too close to the policies of left-leaning parties. Within the Reichstag, Stresemann constantly had to defend his treaties and plans against attacks from both the far right, who called him a sell-out, and from Communists, who distrusted any deals with capitalist Western nations. He used persuasive speeches and behind-the-scenes coalition building to navigate these tensions, but frequent parliamentary debates and votes threatened to derail or delay agreements like the Locarno Pact or the Young Plan negotiations. Balancing party loyalty, national sentiment, and international obligations required immense political skill, which Stresemann displayed until his death in 1929.
Practice Questions
Assess the extent to which Gustav Stresemann’s foreign policy was responsible for the political stability of the Weimar Republic between 1924 and 1928.
Stresemann’s foreign policy played a crucial role in securing the Weimar Republic’s political stability by restoring international trust and revising punitive Versailles terms. Agreements like the Locarno Pact, League of Nations entry, and the Treaty of Berlin demonstrated diplomatic skill, reassuring both Western and Eastern powers. These moves ended Allied occupation early and boosted national pride, strengthening moderate support. However, stability also depended on Hindenburg’s presidency, economic recovery, and declining extremism. While foreign policy achievements were significant, domestic political cooperation and economic factors were equally vital in sustaining Weimar’s relative calm during this period.
To what extent did President Hindenburg contribute to the recovery of parliamentary democracy in Germany between 1924 and 1928?
President Hindenburg significantly contributed to parliamentary recovery by lending credibility to the Republic among conservatives sceptical of democracy. His respected military reputation reassured monarchists and traditional elites, encouraging cooperation with democratic institutions. He largely upheld constitutional processes, which strengthened the legitimacy of coalition governments during the so-called Golden Years. However, his commitment was conditional; he remained a reluctant republican, prepared to use emergency powers when necessary. Ultimately, while Hindenburg’s symbolic authority stabilised the regime, broader economic improvements and Stresemann’s diplomatic success were equally critical to ensuring parliamentary democracy functioned more effectively during this period.
