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AQA A-Level History Study Notes

28.1.6 The Cold War and Global Rivalries: Berlin, Arms Race and Asia, 1955–1961

This period marked a critical phase in the Cold War, characterised by competing superpower ambitions, crises in Europe and Asia, and an escalating arms race.

Khrushchev’s Leadership and East-West Relations

De-Stalinisation and Khrushchev’s Rise

After Stalin’s death in 1953, Nikita Khrushchev emerged as the dominant figure within the Soviet leadership. Determined to distance himself from Stalin’s brutal legacy, he introduced a policy known as De-Stalinisation, which aimed to liberalise aspects of Soviet society and reduce repression.

Khrushchev's famous Secret Speech in 1956 denouncing Stalin’s cult of personality signalled this new approach. It encouraged greater freedom in Eastern Bloc countries, but it also tested Soviet control over satellite states.

Polish Uprising, 1956

In Poland, discontent over poor living conditions and the oppressive regime boiled over in June 1956. Workers in Poznań protested, demanding better wages and conditions. The protests escalated into a broader political challenge.

Khrushchev allowed Władysław Gomułka to become First Secretary, trusting he would maintain communist rule while granting some national autonomy. This resolution demonstrated a pragmatic approach by Khrushchev, showing limited tolerance for reforms as long as communism remained intact.

Hungarian Uprising, 1956

The situation in Hungary escalated far more dramatically. Inspired partly by Poland’s example, Hungarians rose against Soviet control in October 1956, demanding democratic reforms and the withdrawal of Soviet troops.

  • Imre Nagy, a reformist, became Prime Minister and announced Hungary’s withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact.

  • This was unacceptable to Khrushchev. Fearing a domino effect across Eastern Europe, the USSR sent in thousands of troops and tanks.

  • The uprising was brutally crushed by early November, resulting in thousands of deaths and a wave of refugees fleeing to the West.

These events revealed that Khrushchev’s tolerance for independence had clear limits; he would not allow any erosion of the Soviet bloc’s unity.

Policy of Peaceful Coexistence

Diplomatic Exchanges and Summits

Despite these suppressions, Khrushchev promoted Peaceful Coexistence, the idea that capitalism and communism could compete without direct war. He sought dialogue with the West to ease tensions:

  • In 1959, he visited the United States, the first Soviet leader to do so. His tour and talks with President Eisenhower were a propaganda success.

  • A Paris Summit was scheduled for May 1960, where crucial issues like nuclear weapons and Berlin were to be discussed.

The U-2 Incident and the Collapse of the Paris Summit

This thaw ended abruptly with the U-2 Incident:

  • On 1 May 1960, an American U-2 spy plane piloted by Gary Powers was shot down over Soviet territory.

  • The US initially denied espionage but was forced to admit it when Khrushchev presented the captured pilot and plane wreckage.

  • The scandal humiliated Eisenhower and led Khrushchev to walk out of the Paris Summit in anger.

This breakdown of diplomacy reignited Cold War tensions and hardened Soviet attitudes.

Extension of the Arms Race

Development of ICBMs and Sputnik

The Cold War arms race intensified dramatically during this period:

  • The USSR developed Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles (ICBMs), capable of delivering nuclear warheads over vast distances, challenging America’s strategic advantage.

  • In October 1957, the USSR launched Sputnik, the first artificial satellite. This shocked the United States, sparking the Space Race.

  • Sputnik’s success symbolised Soviet technological prowess and fuelled American fears of a “missile gap”.

Impact of the Space Race

In response:

  • The US rapidly increased funding for science and technology education.

  • NASA was established in 1958 to coordinate America’s space efforts.

  • The competition extended Cold War rivalry beyond Earth, making space a new arena for propaganda and prestige.

The Berlin Crisis, 1958–1961

Background and Causes

Berlin remained a flashpoint. By the late 1950s, the divided city highlighted stark contrasts between East and West.

  • West Berlin prospered under capitalist democracy.

  • East Berlin and East Germany suffered economic hardship and political repression.

This disparity led to a refugee crisis: millions fled from East to West through Berlin, undermining East Germany’s stability.

Khrushchev’s Ultimatum

In November 1958, Khrushchev demanded that Western powers withdraw from Berlin within six months, threatening to hand over control of access routes to East Germany.

  • The West, led by the US, refused to abandon Berlin, asserting it as a symbol of freedom within communist territory.

  • Tensions rose through a series of failed negotiations and standoffs.

Construction of the Berlin Wall

By 1961, the refugee exodus reached crisis proportions. To stop this drain:

  • On 13 August 1961, East German authorities, with Soviet backing, began constructing the Berlin Wall.

  • The Wall physically divided the city, sealing off East from West overnight.

Though the Wall prevented immediate conflict by stabilising East Germany, it became the Cold War’s starkest symbol of repression and division.

Asia: Vietnam and Growing US Involvement

Vietnam under Diem and Ho Chi Minh

In Asia, Cold War rivalries continued to shape conflicts:

  • Vietnam remained divided at the 17th parallel after the 1954 Geneva Accords.

  • The communist North, led by Ho Chi Minh, aimed to reunify the country under socialism.

  • The South, under Ngo Dinh Diem, was backed by the United States as a bulwark against communism.

Diem’s regime, however, was corrupt and repressive, alienating many South Vietnamese.

Formation of the National Liberation Front (NLF)

In 1960, communist insurgents and other anti-Diem groups in the South formed the National Liberation Front (NLF), commonly known as the Viet Cong.

  • The NLF sought to overthrow Diem and reunify Vietnam.

  • Supported by the North, they used guerrilla tactics to destabilise the South.

US Concerns and Kennedy’s Early Policy

The situation alarmed Washington:

  • President Eisenhower had already committed to supporting Diem financially and militarily.

  • With John F. Kennedy’s election in 1960, the US deepened its involvement.

  • Kennedy increased the number of American military advisers and aid to South Vietnam, convinced that losing Vietnam would threaten the wider region under the domino theory.

Although large-scale US combat involvement did not occur until later, these steps laid crucial groundwork for the major escalation under Kennedy’s successors.

This period highlighted the global nature of the Cold War, with crises from Berlin to Vietnam reinforcing ideological divides and propelling the world towards further confrontation.

FAQ

Khrushchev recognised that scientific and technological achievements were powerful tools for demonstrating Soviet superiority in the ideological contest with the West. After Stalin’s death, the USSR aimed to prove that communism could deliver material progress and modernity, countering Western claims that capitalism was inherently more advanced. The launch of Sputnik in 1957 was intended to showcase Soviet innovation and unsettle the American public and government. This achievement spurred a sense of national pride within the USSR and boosted Khrushchev’s domestic authority. Additionally, advancements like ICBMs and space technology had significant military implications, strengthening the USSR’s strategic position and acting as deterrents against American aggression. For Khrushchev, technological rivalry was safer than direct military conflict, aligning with his policy of peaceful coexistence. He believed scientific prestige would win allies in the developing world by portraying the Soviet Union as a modern, progressive power, challenging Western cultural and technological dominance globally.

Khrushchev’s response to unrest in Poland and Hungary in 1956 had complex effects on his standing. In the USSR, his initial tolerance in Poland, allowing Gomułka to pursue limited reforms, was seen by some hardliners as dangerously lenient. However, when faced with open defiance in Hungary, his swift and brutal suppression reassured conservative elements that he would not abandon Soviet control. This mix of flexibility and ruthlessness maintained the USSR’s grip but created unease among Eastern Bloc leaders, who feared both liberalisation and Moscow’s unpredictable interventions. Khrushchev’s reputation as a reformer clashed with his readiness to use force, creating an image of inconsistency. Among Soviet citizens, de-Stalinisation raised hopes for genuine change, but the bloody crackdown in Hungary revealed limits to political freedom, tempering enthusiasm. Within the wider communist bloc, especially in China, Khrushchev’s handling of Eastern Europe fuelled criticism that he was ideologically weak, contributing to splits within the global communist movement in later years.

Berlin was a constant source of tension and embarrassment for the Soviet Union and East Germany. The open border in Berlin allowed East Germans to flee communism for the prosperous West, causing a severe brain drain that threatened East Germany’s economy and legitimacy. Khrushchev viewed this as undermining the entire Eastern Bloc, highlighting the failures of communist rule compared to the Western capitalist model. He hoped to force the Western Allies out of Berlin through ultimatums, thereby making West Berlin a demilitarised ‘free city’ under indirect East German influence, which would strengthen Soviet control. By solving the Berlin problem, he aimed to stabilise East Germany and demonstrate Soviet strength in the face of Western resistance. The Berlin Wall, though a drastic solution, ultimately achieved this aim by halting the exodus and solidifying the division, though it also reinforced Berlin’s status as the ultimate symbol of Cold War confrontation. For Khrushchev, securing Berlin’s future was essential to preserving communist dominance in Europe.

The US reaction to Soviet technological leaps was a mixture of shock, fear, and rapid mobilisation. The launch of Sputnik in 1957 stunned Americans, who had assumed their country led the world in science and technology. This ‘Sputnik shock’ triggered a perceived crisis in education, leading to massive federal investment in science and engineering training to catch up with the USSR. The Eisenhower administration and later Kennedy’s government significantly expanded military and space budgets to develop more advanced missiles and to challenge Soviet achievements in orbit. Politically, fears of a missile gap—the belief that the USSR had more ICBMs than the USA—fuelled criticism of Eisenhower’s defence policies and became a key campaign point for Kennedy in the 1960 election. Public anxiety about Soviet superiority increased support for national security measures and Cold War policies, including greater involvement abroad to contain communism. The arms and space race, therefore, reshaped American domestic priorities, fostering technological innovation but also deepening Cold War paranoia.

During 1955–1961, US policy laid the foundations for deeper entanglement in Vietnam. Determined to prevent the spread of communism in Southeast Asia, the US heavily backed Ngo Dinh Diem’s regime in South Vietnam with military advisers, financial aid, and diplomatic support, despite growing evidence of his corruption and brutal suppression of dissent. This early commitment made it politically and strategically difficult for future administrations to withdraw, fearing it would embolden communist movements elsewhere under the domino theory. The creation of the National Liberation Front (NLF) in 1960 and rising insurgency made it clear that the conflict could not be contained through advisers and aid alone. Kennedy’s administration escalated involvement by sending more advisers and approving covert operations against the North. This incremental commitment without clear exit strategies set a precedent for the large-scale intervention that followed under Johnson. Essentially, the decisions made between 1955 and 1961 trapped the US in a path dependency, ensuring Vietnam would become America’s central Cold War battlefield in Asia.

Practice Questions

Explain how Khrushchev’s policy of peaceful coexistence affected East-West relations between 1955 and 1961.

Khrushchev’s peaceful coexistence sought to reduce direct confrontation with the West while maintaining ideological competition. Summits and diplomatic visits, such as his 1959 US tour, temporarily eased tensions and suggested possible cooperation. However, underlying mistrust remained, evidenced by the 1960 U-2 incident which humiliated the US but collapsed the Paris Summit. While peaceful coexistence allowed dialogue and showcased a less aggressive Soviet stance compared to Stalin’s era, it ultimately failed to resolve key issues like Berlin. Instead, crises like the Berlin Wall construction revealed the limits of coexistence and the persistence of Cold War rivalry.

Analyse the significance of the Berlin Crisis and the building of the Berlin Wall for the Cold War.

The Berlin Crisis highlighted Berlin as a Cold War flashpoint, symbolising the broader East-West ideological clash. Khrushchev’s ultimatum and the refugee crisis underscored East Germany’s weakness and the appeal of Western freedom. The construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 halted the East’s population drain and stabilised the GDR, but at the cost of intensifying global hostility. The Wall became a physical and symbolic divide, demonstrating Soviet determination to defend its sphere. It reinforced Western resolve to protect West Berlin, deepened mistrust, and entrenched the division of Europe, prolonging Cold War tensions for decades.

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