The collapse of Tsarism in February 1917 gave way to a turbulent political period marked by a power struggle between liberals and radicals.
The Formation of Dual Power: Provisional Government and Petrograd Soviet
Following the abdication of Nicholas II in February 1917, two rival authorities emerged:
Provisional Government
Formed by members of the Duma, predominantly liberal and moderate socialist politicians.
Headed initially by Prince Lvov, later replaced by Alexander Kerensky.
Its authority stemmed from traditional structures and political legitimacy through the Duma.
It claimed to rule until a Constituent Assembly could establish a permanent constitution.
Petrograd Soviet
An assembly representing workers and soldiers, formed in the wake of the revolution.
Dominated by Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, it was a more radical body with popular backing.
Issued Order No. 1, which stated that military units would only obey the Provisional Government if it did not contradict the Soviet’s decrees, significantly undermining the Provisional Government’s power.
Dual Power meant that while the Provisional Government held formal authority, real power increasingly lay with the Petrograd Soviet, especially among workers and the military.
Lenin’s Return and the April Theses
Lenin’s Return from Exile
Returned to Petrograd in April 1917, aided by the Germans who hoped his presence would destabilise Russia.
Lenin’s arrival electrified the revolutionary scene; he denounced the Provisional Government and advocated for a new Bolshevik direction.
April Theses
Lenin outlined radical proposals in the April Theses, calling for:
Peace: An immediate end to the war.
Bread: Solving food shortages and hunger.
Land: Redistribution of land to the peasants.
All Power to the Soviets: Rejecting the Provisional Government entirely.
These slogans:
Sharpened Bolshevik ideology.
Appealed directly to the working class and peasantry.
Provoked resistance from moderate socialists and liberals, but significantly boosted Bolshevik popularity among the masses.
Challenges to the Provisional Government
The Provisional Government faced mounting crises and failed to secure lasting authority.
The June Offensive
Launched by the Russian army under Minister of War Kerensky.
Aimed to boost national morale and affirm commitment to the Allied war effort.
Ended in a disastrous failure, with mass desertions and further loss of confidence in the government.
July Days
A period of unrest from 3–6 July 1917, marked by mass demonstrations in Petrograd.
Largely spontaneous, but Bolsheviks were blamed for encouraging the unrest.
The government arrested Bolshevik leaders, including Trotsky, and Lenin fled to Finland.
Although the Bolsheviks suffered a temporary setback, the event highlighted the deep disillusionment with the Provisional Government.
The Kornilov Affair
In August 1917, General Lavr Kornilov attempted to march on Petrograd, intending to restore order and possibly install a military dictatorship.
Kerensky viewed this as a coup and armed the Red Guards (largely Bolshevik) to defend the capital.
Kornilov’s forces failed, but the Bolsheviks:
Gained credit for defending the revolution.
Increased their influence in the Petrograd Soviet.
Regained Lenin’s prominence and rebuilt their organisational strength.
These events discredited the Provisional Government while reinforcing Bolshevik credibility as defenders of the revolution.
Bolshevik Strategy and Preparation for Insurrection
By the autumn of 1917, the Bolsheviks had become the dominant force in Petrograd.
Propaganda and Public Messaging
Led by Trotsky and Lenin, the Bolsheviks ran a highly effective propaganda campaign.
Focused on simple slogans: “Peace, Bread, Land” and “All Power to the Soviets”.
Capitalised on the government's failures and promised radical solutions to social and economic grievances.
Control of the Petrograd Soviet
In September, the Bolsheviks secured a majority in the Petrograd Soviet.
Trotsky became chairman, placing a key revolutionary figure at the head of a powerful body.
The Military Revolutionary Committee was created under Soviet control to organise the defence of Petrograd – a critical tool for the planned uprising.
Red Guards and Armed Support
The Red Guards, a paramilitary force of workers, were armed and trained under Bolshevik leadership.
Weapons provided during the Kornilov crisis were retained.
Military units in key garrisons increasingly pledged allegiance to the Soviet.
Planning the Insurrection
Lenin, now back from Finland, urged immediate action.
Initially resisted by some Bolsheviks who feared premature revolt, but Lenin’s insistence won out.
Trotsky meticulously planned the uprising to coincide with the All-Russian Congress of Soviets in October.
The October Revolution
Seizure of Power
The revolution began on the night of 24–25 October 1917 (6–7 November, New Style).
Red Guards and sympathetic soldiers and sailors:
Seized key installations in Petrograd, including bridges, telegraph offices, and railway stations.
Encountered minimal resistance – the Provisional Government was largely defenceless.
The Winter Palace was taken on the night of 25 October.
Collapse of the Provisional Government
Kerensky fled Petrograd and attempted to rally loyalist forces but failed.
Most government ministers were arrested.
The Second Congress of Soviets ratified the Bolshevik seizure of power, although many moderates walked out in protest.
This marked the end of Dual Power and the beginning of Bolshevik rule.
Bolshevik Consolidation of Power by December 1917
Sovnarkom
The Council of People’s Commissars (Sovnarkom) was formed as the new executive body.
Lenin became Chairman; other positions included:
Trotsky (Foreign Affairs)
Stalin (Nationalities)
Initially claimed to govern on behalf of the Soviets, but real power lay with the Bolshevik leadership.
Closure of the Constituent Assembly
Elections to the Constituent Assembly were held in November 1917, with the Socialist Revolutionaries winning a majority.
When the Assembly convened in January 1918, it was swiftly dissolved by Bolshevik forces.
Lenin justified this by arguing that Soviet democracy represented a higher form of governance than parliamentary democracy.
Formation of the Cheka
The Cheka (Extraordinary Commission for the Struggle Against Counter-Revolution and Sabotage) was established in December 1917.
Headed by Felix Dzerzhinsky, it served as the Bolsheviks’ political police.
Used to suppress opposition, investigate political threats, and instil fear – a precursor to later repression under the Communist regime.
Through these actions, the Bolsheviks swiftly dismantled rival centres of power and established the foundations of a one-party state, marking the transformation of Russia from a fragile dual authority to Bolshevik dictatorship.
FAQ
The Bolsheviks gained support because they adopted a more uncompromising and revolutionary stance than other socialist factions like the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. While other groups cooperated with the Provisional Government or hesitated to take radical steps, the Bolsheviks consistently opposed it. Lenin’s April Theses rejected any collaboration and instead demanded immediate peace, land reform, and the transfer of power to the soviets. These promises resonated with war-weary soldiers, land-hungry peasants, and urban workers suffering from food shortages and inflation. Furthermore, the Bolsheviks excelled in propaganda and had a strong presence in workers' districts and military garrisons. Their newspaper, Pravda, helped disseminate their message widely. Trotsky’s leadership of the Petrograd Soviet and the Military Revolutionary Committee gave them practical control over key institutions. As moderate socialist parties lost credibility due to association with the ineffective Provisional Government, the Bolsheviks positioned themselves as the true voice of revolutionary change, drawing mass support.
Leon Trotsky played a pivotal and operational role in the success of the October Revolution. While Lenin provided ideological leadership and strategic urgency, Trotsky executed the practical plans that ensured its success. As Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet and head of the Military Revolutionary Committee, Trotsky held de facto control of Petrograd’s military units and Red Guards. He meticulously coordinated the seizure of key locations—such as bridges, railway stations, telegraph offices, and eventually the Winter Palace—ensuring that the uprising was almost bloodless and highly organised. His ability to win over military support, especially from the garrison and sailors at Kronstadt, was critical. Trotsky’s oratorical skills and prestige also helped unite disparate Bolshevik factions and win over hesitant soviet delegates. Without Trotsky’s logistical oversight and tactical brilliance, Lenin’s vision might have faltered or faced significant resistance. He ensured that the revolution occurred with precision and minimal opposition, translating Bolshevik rhetoric into revolutionary reality.
The Bolsheviks used the soviets, particularly the Petrograd Soviet and later the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets, to present their takeover as a legitimate expression of popular will. By October 1917, they had gained a majority in many local soviets, including the Petrograd and Moscow Soviets, allowing them to argue that they were acting on behalf of the working class and soldiers. Trotsky, as Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, ensured that the body authorised the formation of the Military Revolutionary Committee, which effectively became the organ for launching the insurrection. Once the October uprising was underway, the Bolsheviks timed the seizure of power to coincide with the opening of the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets. After moderate delegates stormed out in protest, the remaining Bolsheviks and Left Socialist Revolutionaries voted to approve the new Soviet government and the creation of Sovnarkom. This manoeuvre allowed the Bolsheviks to frame their coup not as a power grab, but as the fulfilment of soviet democracy.
The lack of resistance stemmed from the Provisional Government’s profound weakness and lack of military or political support by October 1917. Kerensky’s government was isolated and unpopular due to continued involvement in World War I, failure to implement meaningful reforms, and its perceived betrayal of revolutionary goals. Most military units in Petrograd had transferred loyalty to the Petrograd Soviet or declared neutrality. The Bolsheviks’ control of the Military Revolutionary Committee meant they had access to arms, soldiers, and detailed intelligence on government movements. Moreover, key institutions and infrastructure—telegraph offices, rail stations, and bridges—were taken over swiftly, paralysing communication and coordination. The garrison in the Winter Palace was undermanned and demoralised, with many soldiers surrendering without a fight. Kerensky himself fled the city to seek reinforcements but found little support. Essentially, by the time the Bolsheviks moved, the Provisional Government was politically discredited, militarily impotent, and administratively paralysed, resulting in minimal resistance.
The Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC) was the operational engine of the October Revolution, enabling the Bolsheviks to take control of Petrograd with minimal bloodshed. Established by the Petrograd Soviet in the wake of the Kornilov Affair, the MRC was initially intended to defend the city against counter-revolution. However, under Trotsky’s leadership, it became a Bolshevik-led organ that served their revolutionary objectives. The MRC coordinated Red Guard units, sympathetic soldiers, and sailors, giving the Bolsheviks effective control over Petrograd’s military forces. It planned and directed the seizure of strategic points such as railway stations, bridges, telegraph offices, and eventually the Winter Palace. The MRC’s legal mandate, as a soviet body, gave the Bolshevik uprising a veneer of legitimacy and made it difficult for opponents to denounce their actions as purely a coup. It also allowed the Bolsheviks to neutralise loyalist forces without open conflict. In essence, the MRC was central to translating Bolshevik revolutionary goals into effective and organised action.
Practice Questions
Explain why the Provisional Government failed to maintain power between March and October 1917.
The Provisional Government failed due to its inability to address key issues: ending the war, land reform, and economic hardship. Its decision to continue fighting in World War I alienated soldiers and civilians. The June Offensive was disastrous, undermining support further. Political misjudgements, such as the handling of the Kornilov Affair, boosted Bolshevik influence. In contrast, Lenin’s April Theses offered simple, appealing slogans—"Peace, Bread, Land"—that resonated with the masses. The Bolsheviks gained control of the Petrograd Soviet and effectively planned the October insurrection, seizing power with minimal resistance as the government lacked authority and popular backing.
How significant was Lenin’s leadership in the success of the Bolshevik seizure of power in October 1917?
Lenin’s leadership was crucial. His return to Russia and the April Theses provided a clear, radical direction that distinguished the Bolsheviks from moderate socialists. He urged immediate revolution, pushing the party toward insurrection despite internal hesitation. His slogans mobilised popular support and positioned the Bolsheviks as champions of Soviet power. However, Trotsky’s organisational skill and control of the Military Revolutionary Committee also played a key role. The government’s failures—particularly Kerensky’s—created favourable conditions. Overall, Lenin’s ideological clarity and decisive leadership were central to Bolshevik success, though other factors, including timing and government weakness, also contributed.
