The later years of the Cultural Revolution saw brutal purges, shifting leadership, cultural destruction, and deep societal scars, culminating in Mao’s death in 1976.
The Purge and Disbanding of the Red Guards by the PLA
By 1969, the radical fervour of the Red Guards had become increasingly chaotic and threatening to the stability of the People’s Republic of China. Initially mobilised to defend Maoist ideology and attack so-called ‘capitalist roaders’, the Red Guards quickly turned on party officials, teachers, and even each other.
As factional fighting spiralled out of control, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) was ordered to restore order.
From 1968 onwards, the PLA systematically suppressed violent factions, disbanded radical units, and forcibly sent millions of young Red Guards to the countryside as part of the “Up to the Mountains and Down to the Countryside” campaign.
This mass relocation aimed to ‘re-educate’ urban youth through manual labour and rural hardship, but it effectively neutralised the Red Guard threat and brought them under state control.
The purge of the Red Guards marked a turning point: Mao retained ideological supremacy, but control passed more firmly into the hands of the military and moderate elements within the party.
Shifting Power Dynamics: Lin Biao’s Death, the Gang of Four, and Zhou Enlai
Lin Biao’s Suspicious Death (1971)
After the Red Guards were suppressed, power shifted towards military and loyalist figures, notably Lin Biao, Mao’s close ally and designated successor.
Lin Biao consolidated military influence but allegedly plotted a coup when he feared a loss of favour.
In September 1971, Lin and his family died in a mysterious plane crash in Mongolia while apparently fleeing to the USSR after the failed coup attempt, known as the “Project 571 Incident.”
Lin’s death shocked the party and public, shaking confidence in Mao’s judgment and fuelling widespread purges of Lin’s supporters within the PLA and government.
Rise of the Gang of Four
With Lin Biao gone, a new radical faction emerged: the Gang of Four.
This group, led by Jiang Qing (Mao’s wife) along with Zhang Chunqiao, Yao Wenyuan, and Wang Hongwen, pushed for continued revolutionary zeal.
The Gang of Four used the instruments of censorship and propaganda to sustain the Cultural Revolution’s radical agenda, targeting moderates and intellectuals.
They exploited cultural policy, attacking perceived ‘bourgeois’ tendencies and controlling artistic production and the press.
Their influence grew particularly strong as Mao’s health declined, setting the stage for political infighting that would intensify after his death.
Zhou Enlai’s Stabilising Influence
Amid the chaos, Premier Zhou Enlai played a crucial role in moderating excesses:
Zhou worked to repair foreign relations, maintain economic functioning, and protect key officials from radical persecution.
He discreetly curbed the Gang of Four’s radicalism where possible and promoted pragmatic governance.
Despite serious illness, Zhou’s respected authority provided a counterbalance to radical elements until his death in January 1976, a loss which destabilised the fragile balance of power.
Cultural and Social Disruption: The ‘Four Olds’, Destruction and Censorship
The late Cultural Revolution continued the assault on traditional Chinese culture, institutions, and thought, justified by the campaign to eradicate the ‘Four Olds’: old ideas, old culture, old customs, and old habits.
Historical sites, temples, books, and artworks were destroyed or defaced.
Intellectuals, artists, and educators were persecuted, silencing critical thought and halting cultural development.
Censorship tightened dramatically; only approved revolutionary themes were permitted in literature, theatre, and art.
This cultural vacuum resulted in widespread intellectual stagnation, leaving a generation deprived of diverse education and cultural enrichment.
Effects on Youth, Education, and the Professional Sectors
The social consequences of the Cultural Revolution’s later years were severe and enduring.
Youth and the “Lost Generation”
The ‘sent-down youth’ campaign forcibly relocated over 17 million urban students to remote rural areas.
Many endured harsh conditions, malnutrition, and loss of educational opportunities.
This generation, often called China’s ‘Lost Generation’, faced long-term disadvantages when they eventually returned to the cities, lacking both education and urban job skills.
Education and Professional Disruption
Universities and schools remained largely closed or dysfunctional during this period, with curricula focused on ideological study rather than academic advancement.
Professional sectors, including medicine, engineering, and the sciences, suffered as experts were purged or sidelined in favour of politically loyal but unqualified workers.
Frequent rectification campaigns rooted out perceived dissent, stifled innovation, and created an atmosphere of fear and conformity in the workplace.
These disruptions delayed China’s technical and scientific development for decades.
Mao’s “Little Red Book” as a Cultural Tool and Symbol
A defining icon of the Cultural Revolution was the Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-tung, widely known as the “Little Red Book.”
First published in 1964, it became compulsory reading for students, workers, soldiers, and officials.
Red Guards brandished it during rallies, using it to justify actions and denounce enemies.
The book symbolised unwavering loyalty to Mao and the ideological purity he demanded.
It was not only a political tool but a cultural artefact, representing the cult of personality that defined the era.
Even as the radicalism waned in the 1970s, the Little Red Book remained a potent reminder of Maoist orthodoxy.
Internal State by Mao’s Death in 1976 and Growing Leadership Tensions
By the mid-1970s, the internal condition of the Chinese state was one of profound contradiction and simmering conflict.
Economic stagnation persisted due to disruption of skilled labour, poor planning, and constant purges.
Agricultural production struggled under outdated collective models, while industrial output lagged behind global standards.
Party leadership was riven by factions: the Gang of Four sought to continue radical policies, while pragmatists quietly prepared for reform once Mao was gone.
The death of Zhou Enlai in early 1976 and the Tiananmen Incident (a mass public display of mourning and protest) highlighted popular dissatisfaction with radical rule.
Mao’s health deteriorated rapidly, and his passing in September 1976 left a power vacuum that intensified factional struggles.
In the immediate aftermath, the arrest of the Gang of Four marked the definitive end of the Cultural Revolution era, paving the way for the eventual rise of Deng Xiaoping and a shift towards pragmatic reform and modernisation.
This turbulent period remains one of the most controversial and consequential chapters in modern Chinese history, leaving scars that shaped China’s social, cultural, and political evolution well beyond Mao’s lifetime.
FAQ
The countryside resettlement policy, officially the “Up to the Mountains and Down to the Countryside” movement, had profound effects on rural communities. Millions of urban youth, often poorly prepared for agricultural labour, were sent to villages, increasing the population dramatically. While intended to inject revolutionary enthusiasm and spread Maoist ideology, these youths often clashed with local peasants, who resented sharing scarce resources and land. Villages struggled to accommodate and feed newcomers, straining already limited food supplies. Many sent-down youths were inexperienced, contributing little to productivity and sometimes disrupting local farming routines. Although some youths formed lasting ties, marrying and integrating into village life, most remained outsiders, suffering from poor living conditions, disease, and malnutrition. For rural communities, the policy intensified economic hardship and social tension, deepened inequalities, and left many villages with disaffected young people who, after returning to the cities, felt disillusioned with both rural life and the Party’s promises of revolutionary equality.
Censorship under the Cultural Revolution severely hindered scientific and technological progress by stifling academic freedom and suppressing intellectual exchange. Research institutions and universities faced constant scrutiny; scholars had to align findings with Maoist ideology, even if results contradicted scientific evidence. Many leading scientists, engineers, and professors were denounced as ‘reactionaries’ or ‘bourgeois experts’, resulting in purges, public humiliation, or forced labour. Academic journals were tightly controlled, limiting the dissemination of new discoveries. International collaboration ceased almost entirely, isolating Chinese science from global advancements. Essential fields like medicine, engineering, and nuclear research suffered as funding was diverted to politically motivated propaganda projects. Innovation stagnated because experimentation was risky when failure could be labelled counter-revolutionary sabotage. Technological industries also fell behind due to a lack of skilled personnel and disrupted training. By the late 1970s, China’s scientific community was significantly behind developed nations, a gap that would take decades of reform and foreign cooperation to begin closing effectively.
Propaganda played a crucial role in maintaining support for the Cultural Revolution’s later stages by continually shaping public perception and suppressing dissent. The state controlled newspapers, radio, posters, and theatrical productions to reinforce revolutionary ideals and Mao’s infallibility. Mass campaigns promoted model citizens who exemplified unwavering loyalty to Maoist principles, creating heroes to emulate. The Gang of Four ensured that cultural works conformed strictly to revolutionary narratives; only approved ‘model operas’ and plays were performed, erasing traditional and alternative voices. The “Little Red Book” remained a potent symbol and tool in daily life, recited in schools, workplaces, and the PLA to affirm ideological correctness. Propaganda also demonised so-called ‘enemies of the people’, those accused of revisionism or capitalist tendencies, justifying surveillance, denunciations, and purges. Through constant repetition and ritual, propaganda discouraged critical thinking and normalised extreme loyalty to Mao and his radical policies. This controlled environment minimised open opposition, sustaining the revolution’s momentum until Mao’s death.
Between 1969 and 1976, the Cultural Revolution had complex and contradictory impacts on women’s roles and status. Official propaganda glorified women as equal participants in revolution, celebrating heroines like Jiang Qing, a powerful figure in the Gang of Four. Women were encouraged to join the workforce, the PLA, and Red Guard factions, which initially expanded their presence in public and political spheres. Slogans promoted gender equality, attacking traditional Confucian values that confined women to domestic roles. However, in practice, these gains were uneven and superficial. Many female Red Guards faced sexual harassment and exploitation, despite revolutionary rhetoric condemning old patriarchal abuses. In rural resettlement, sent-down girls often endured hard labour and vulnerability to abuse. Educational disruption disproportionately affected girls, who were often withdrawn permanently to help with family responsibilities. Despite some advances in employment and propaganda-driven visibility, entrenched gender inequality remained largely unchanged, with true empowerment undermined by the chaos and repression of the period.
The Tiananmen Incident of 1976 was a pivotal moment that signalled growing public rejection of the Cultural Revolution’s radical leadership and the Gang of Four’s grip on power. Sparked by the death of Premier Zhou Enlai, a widely respected moderate figure, tens of thousands of mourners gathered in Tiananmen Square during the Qingming Festival to honour him and express discontent with the political climate. The peaceful demonstration evolved into an implicit protest against the Gang of Four and the excesses of radical policies. Public tributes praised Zhou’s pragmatism and implicitly criticised the Cultural Revolution’s ongoing chaos. In response, the Gang of Four labelled the mourners as counter-revolutionaries and ordered the demonstration’s suppression, arresting protestors and removing memorial wreaths. The harsh reaction further discredited the radicals among the public and within the Party. The Tiananmen Incident revealed deep frustration with ideological extremism and foreshadowed the radical faction’s fall after Mao’s death, paving the way for a shift towards more moderate, reformist leadership under Deng Xiaoping.
Practice Questions
To what extent did the purge and disbanding of the Red Guards strengthen the control of the Chinese Communist Party during the later Cultural Revolution?
The purge and disbanding of the Red Guards significantly strengthened the Chinese Communist Party’s control by eliminating a chaotic, uncontrollable force that threatened stability. By deploying the PLA to suppress factional violence and reassert authority, Mao and the Party redirected revolutionary zeal into more manageable channels. However, this control came at the cost of increased military influence and internal suspicion, demonstrated by Lin Biao’s betrayal and death. Ultimately, while Party dominance was restored, the reliance on purges and repression highlighted underlying factionalism and the fragile nature of unity within the Party leadership.
Explain the impact of the Gang of Four on cultural and political life in China between 1969 and 1976.
The Gang of Four deeply shaped cultural and political life by extending radical Cultural Revolution policies beyond their initial peak. Led by Jiang Qing, they dominated propaganda and cultural production, censoring dissent and promoting Maoist orthodoxy. Their aggressive purges targeted perceived moderates, intensifying political infighting and public fear. Culturally, traditional art and heritage were suppressed, stifling creativity and intellectual debate. Politically, their radicalism exacerbated factional divides, weakening effective governance. Although their power peaked as Mao’s health declined, their arrest soon after his death symbolised public and political rejection of sustained radicalism and cleared the path for future reform.
